The Society – 2016

The Society


Sealing of still another Ahmadiyya mosque after an attack by a hostile mob

Riot took place due ineffective official intervention. Led to flight of the entire Ahmadi community from their village. 2 deaths in the incident.

A massacre averted through firm official action after the miscreants’ occupation and arson in the mosque

 The mob attack on the Ahmadiyya mosque in District Chakwal was another major event in the highly deplorable history of defiling Ahmadiyya places of worship in Pakistan, that has reached unbelievable figures in the past three decades. It is surprising that a state and society can tolerate all that in the 20th and 21st century. The attack on the mosque was mounted by the mullas after prior warning to the authorities. The latter knew the date and time of the assembly of the crowd. Despite that, they used no tear gas, no water hoses, nothing to deter the procession from deviating off the authorized route. Ahmadis, though less than 5% of the attackers, had assembled to defend their mosque. It is sheer luck and coincidence that the event did not end up as a massacre, despite shoddy and cursory attitude of the authorities.

            The mosque was sealed, nevertheless. Ahmadis have no place to worship. That is what the mulla desired in the first instance. The authorities have delivered that.

Dulmial, District Chakwal, Punjab; December 2016:                      A hostile procession taken out on the felicitous occasion of the birthday of the Holy Prophet on 12 December 2016 altered its authorized route and went for the Ahmadiyya mosque in the village with declared intention to occupy it. A major clash at the site was avoided through police intervention however the miscreants succeeded in occupying the mosque and then setting its furnishings etc. on fire in police presence. Eventually Rangers and army units had to be deployed to restore peace. The authorities decided to seal the Ahmadiyya mosque. Two persons, one Ahmadi and one non-Ahmadi died in the event. Essential details follow.

This mosque was originally built in 1860. In those days there were no Ahmadis and no Non-Ahmadis, as Ahmadiyya Movement did not come into being till near the end of the 19th century. When Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad declared his divine mission, a number of influential, literate and land-owing elders of this village accepted his claim and became members of the Ahmadiyya denomination. They maintained their ownership, control and care of this mosque. There was no objection to non-Ahmadis praying there as communal tolerance prevailed in plenty. Later Non-Ahmadis built their own mosques; there are now ten of these. Land for some of these was provided gratis by Ahmadis as a sign of good-will and
service to God.

The control of the Ahmadiyya mosque was not exercised by non-Ahmadis ever. Even after 1974, when Ahmadis were declared Not-Muslims in the constitution, the other Muslims

raised no objection to Ahmadis’ mosque – it was their place of worship. Decades later, in 1997, Non-Ahmadis approached the courts to claim its ownership; however, having no case, they could make no headway with their demand in the Lahore High Court. So they stopped pursuing the case. It was revived among the public only a few weeks ago by local mullas and by a mulla based in Canada, Malik Rashid Ahmad who had enough time, money and motivation to make big mischief, as Pakistan is amply susceptible to religious extremism and sectarianism. Assistance of Islamist organizations like Khatme Nabuwwat, Tehrik-i-Labaik Ya Rasool ul Alllah, Tajdar Khatme Nabuwwat etc was readily available.

In a Friday congregation, the leading visiting mulla at the local mosque Lal Shah incited the worshippers to violence and their commitment to forcibly take over the Ahmadiyya mosque on the birthday of the Holy Prophet. He asked them to respond to his call by standing up. Ahmadis learnt of their plans and informed the district administration of this, requesting security measures to protect the life and properties and worship places of Ahmadiyya Community. This letter was written on December 5, 2016, one week before the happening. Its copy was sent to the chief minister of Punjab.

Ahmadi-bashers made no effort to hide their intentions. They too sent a letter to the DCO, with copies to 10 authorities from the President of Pakistan down to the Punjab Home Minister. The letter spread over 27 pages, carried endorsement of 580 individuals (as claimed) but primarily of Sibt ul Hasan, Muhammad Hussain, Tauqir ul Hasan, Malik Rashid Ahmad and Mueed Shah. The letter plainly demanded help in “freeing the mosque, safeguarding the joint interest of Muslims, from the grip of Kufr; otherwise we might be forced into taking the most extreme action to restore the great sanctity of this mosque.”

It appears that the district authorities did little in response to this serious threat except calling some mullas and accepting their assurance that the intended procession will go by the authorized route and will not turn to the Ahmadiyya mosque. On December 12, the police presence was augmented slightly to approximately 2 dozen – entirely inadequate to handle an extremist mob of more than a thousand. The police later told the press that the participants numbered 2800 to 3000.

On 12 December the procession made a forced alteration to its authorized route and headed for the Ahmadiyya mosque, in violation of the commitment given by their leaders to the district administration. Arguably the commitment given was meant to be broken. Ahmadis had foreseen this possibility and a few dozen of them had assembled in their mosque to defend it against the threatened occupation. The processionists were armed. On arrival at the gate of the mosque they indulged in extensive firing, stone throwing and slogan raising. Ahmadis resisted the entry of the mob.

The small contingent of police was present and in contact with the two parties. The siege went on for hours. One Ahmadi defender, a senior citizen, died of cardiac arrest on account of the stress of the happenings. Senior police and district administration officials had arrived by then at the scene. The police eventually persuaded Ahmadis to depart from a back door, and guaranteed safety of the mosque and made the promise that the rioters would not be allowed to take its possession. However, immediately after the Ahmadis left, the mob stormed in and the police did little to stop them. Once inside, they defiled the mosque, piled up its sacred scripts, furniture, carpets etc. and set them on fire.

Then came the Rangers, even Army units. The miscreants fled. The mosque was sealed by the authorities.

During the siege, one of the processionists was hit by a shot, he died subsequently. In a previous report we mentioned that Ahmadis insist they did not kill him; now we know better that the senior Ahmadis did not have the time and opportunity to interview all the Ahmadi defenders, so who shot at him will have to be assessed through professional investigation.

The police registered one (not two) FIR against the rioters as also against Ahmadis; it was entered in the name of local SHO. Its wording is not far from what happened. It is registered as Nr. 214/16 in P.S. Choa Saidan Shah on December 12, 2016 under PPCs 302/324, 153A/186, 353/295, 295-A/436, 148/149, 147 and 7ATA. It names 36 non-Ahmadis and 36 Ahmadis. The numbers seem to imply a balanced approach. However, how a few defenders of their own property, a place of worship, could be treated at par with a violent mob assembled at the targeted site, with commitment to occupy the place. A simple mathematical calculation will show that while 60% of the defenders have been named in the FIR, the aggressors number a little more than 1 percent.

After the riot, the situation was very tense in the village. Ahmadis felt very unsafe. They left with their families for safe locations, to wait for the situation to become clearer. However, such a flight is a very severe hardship in village life.

The ‘tweet’ made by the provincial government during the riot is worth quoting. “Punjab Home Department is following up Chakwal incident. The local admin and police are at the spot and handling the situation. As per details, a misunderstanding developed between the two groups. The police and administration are making all out efforts to resolve the issue amicably,” they wrote. To call the pre-planned assault undertaken by a mob comprising thousands ‘a misunderstanding’ is indeed cool – to a low degree. The tweeted amicable resolution resulted in sealing the Ahmadiyya mosque and flight of the entire Ahmadiyya community from the village – tyranny of the majority!

A day after the mob stoned the Ahmadiyya mosque, Rana Sanaullah, the provincial minister appeared on program Newswise on Dawn TV and made some quotable remarks:

  • At present, everything is under control there (in Dulmial). Majority of people there are peaceful. There was no sectarian tension there, however… .
  • Responsible officials had got the issue resolved through mutual consultation; they (mullas) had assured (us) that they will not undertake any such action at the time of the rally… .
  • (Ahmadi) guards at the scene should not have hurried to react; the police were there. … Had the guards not opened fire, the police would have negotiated an understanding and the procession would have passed, as it always did in the past (sic).
  • See how we defend them (Ahmadis). We saved these people in Jhelum too. I am sorry to notice Ahmadis’ campaign in the social media. If you do that, you are fanning the fire that we want to curb. You expose it further…..Don’t do that….I reassure them that they should entertain no fear.

(Note: Ahmadis’ experience in Lahore, Jhelum, Gujranwala, Chak Sikandar, Jhando Sahi, Tando Allah Yar, etc was quite different to what Minister Rana suggested.)

At present four Ahmadis are under arrest. They are Malik Riaz Ahmad, Mr. Muhammad Anwar, Mr. Naveed Ahmad and Mr. Khurram Akbar. By the end of the month 68 Ahmadis including women and children had gone back to home.

In a recent report in the daily Dawn, Chairman National Commission of Human Rights (NCHR) Justice (r) Ali Nawaz Chohan informed the Senate Committee that the key culprit behind the incident was Abdul Rasheed (sic); accused (Rasheed) had a history of propagating extremism and creating troubles in the name of religion; the chairman NCHR said Rasheed had absconded from the scene and was still at large; We (NCHR) blame the police and the administration for failing to stop the act of violence; the senators blamed the police and the administration for the failure to prevent the act of arson,…Senator Nisar Khan said there had been reports on social media that the police did not act to prevent the violence which continued for around five hours; the (Senate) Committee decided to write to the Punjab government to pay compensation to the victims. (Dawn, January 3, 2017)

The Punjab government has reportedly asked the federal government to put Rasheed and Hafeez ur Rehman, the leaders of miscreants on the Exit Control List.

It is also relevant to mention that an overwhelming majority of the miscreants in the procession came from adjoining villages. The one who died that day was also not a local resident.

The Punjab government has formed a Joint Investigation Team (JIT) to investigate and report on the incident. It is headed by an I.G. Police and its members are officials from police and other security agencies.

Meanwhile, some religious leaders like Dr Ashraf Asif Jalali and Pir Afzal Qadri of Tehrik-i-Labaik Ya Rasoolullah, Mulla Khadim Hussain Rizvi of Tajdar Khatme Nabuwwat and the leaderships of Tahaffuz Khatme Nabuwwat issued a call for observing the next Friday, 16 December as a ‘Day of Protests’, deliver sermons in mosques on the issue, take out processions etc. In fact it was recipe for countrywide unrest. It was announced that ‘two Muslims had been killed by Qadianis, while not a single Qadiani got a bruise.’ The government did not wish the agitation to grow, and issued orders to the administration and police to restrict the mullas effectively. This was done and there were no mentionable incidents, proving that the authorities can be effective if they decide to be so.

The news of this vicious assault on a house of worship spread fast worldwide. The UN Country Team expressed its shock at the brutality of this mob attack on Ahmadi place of worship in Chakwal. The New York Times gave it the headline: Pakistanis attack mosque of religious minority. Lantos Foundation in Washington and England-based International Human Rights Committee jointly condemned the attack on Chakwal mosque as also the police raid on Ahmadiyya headquarters in Pakistan. Human Rights Commission of Pakistan issued a wholesome staff report on December 15 expressing grave concern over the treatment being meted out to Ahmadi citizens both at the hands of those tasked with security as well as the zealots. The commission said that it was hugely distressing that the police were not able to protect the worship place. ‘Both incidents constitute a failure on part of the authorities to ensure protection of citizens’ rights enshrined in the Constitution and under international human rights law,’ it said. The Commission demanded a probe to determine “what could have led to a conclusion that would not have deprived the Ahmadis of one more of their place of worship.”

The local, national and international press reported the loathsome attack, and made editorial comments. The Associated Press reported, “The mob hurled stones and bricks at the mosque before storming the building, said Mahmood Javed Bhatti, Deputy Commissioners of the Chakwal district outside Islamabad, adding that gunmen opened fire on Ahmadis during the melee.” The weekly Newsweek Pakistan issued its report under the forthright headline ‘Islamabad has a shameful habit of forgetting its past’. The weekly concluded its report by comment that, Ahmadis – ‘manufactured’ as a minority in 1974 – are not Pakistan’s only embattled minority community. Christians too are attacked routinely, resulting in deaths and loss of property, as in 2009 at Gojra and in 2013 and 2014 across Pakistan while the state concocted ways of forgetting that it was moving towards its terminal crises.’

The dailies The Express Tribune, The Nation, The News made apt editorial comments on this monstrous and unsupportable assault on a place of worship. The daily Dawn undertook detailed credible reporting of the incident, prepared by its local correspondent in Chakwal.

The local weekly Asaar, published from Chakwal, Chief Editor Yunus Awan, candidly, truthfully and boldly reported the incident in the following bold headlines on December 15, 2016:

Assault on Qadianis’ place of worship in Dulmial. 2 dead, …

Some participants of the 12 Rabi ul Awal procession deviated from the authorized route and headed for Qadianis’ worship place.

They shouted slogans vigorously; broke open the gate and entered; threw out the furnishings and books and set them on fire.

Those inside the worship place saved their lives by escaping from back door. The furious mob persisted in rioting and kept shouting loud slogans.

During the rioting, Khalid son of Ayub died of cardiac arrest in the worship place while Naeem Shafiq was shot dead.

The administration called the Rangers and the Army. The angry mob was driven out of worship place which was then sealed. Funeral rites of Naeem Shafiq were performed on Tuesday.

Weekly Asar, Chakwal, December 15, 2016

The weekly offered the following opinions too in bold headlines:

The DCO and DPO are responsible for the tragedy in Dulmial

The state is duty bound to protect lives and properties of its citizens. The DCO and the DPO failed to take action on the two parties’ representations.

The DCO and the DPO displayed routine lethargy and took no effective action despite the prevailing tension.

The DCO and DPO are also accountable to someone. Those responsible should be punished after due inquiry.

Kunwar Khuldun Shahid, a renowned op-ed writer wrote on December 15 a hard hitting readable article for the blog ‘The diplomat’ and gave it the title of his concluding recommendation: To win its war on terror, Pakistan must accept Ahmadis as Muslims.

Shan Taseer, worthy son of a worthy father, martyred Governor Salman Taseer, wrote, fit for archives, an article in Urdu, for www.humsub; extracts:

“…Tomorrow, if India’s parliament, through a unanimous act, declares, 250 million Indian Muslims to be Non-Muslims, and then persecutes them, and the world raises the issue, would it be disregarded declaring it to be India’s internal problem.”…

“Through this (Second Amendment) that is unconstitutional, non-political and inhuman, Pakistan has become the only country in the world, to use the democratic tool to deliver its people from the bondage of imperialism and dictators and passed them to the bloody claws of Mullaism. This bondage is more disappointing and dangerous as it derives the justification for its tyranny and brutality from religion. Through such legislation we have handed over a gun to a monkey, while we seem satisfied that he will shoot only Ahmadi or Shia citizens.

Fellows… he’ll shoot anyone. For God’s sake, take the gun back from this monkey, otherwise even your future generations are not safe.


In the meantime the mulla did not rest on his oars. He availed of the vernacular press and the electronic media to justify his excesses and consolidate his success. In this effort, he, as always, distorted the truth and indulged in vicious rhetoric. He conveyed to the common man, inter alia;

  • Ahmadis posted their men; this incited the processionists.
  • Qadianis took away a Muslim, killed him and threw away his dead body.
  • Two Muslims were killed.
  • Qadianis are committed to spread disorder and provocation in Pakistan.
  • Qadiani bureaucrats are playing a dangerous game to derail CPEC.

Issued by Action Committee Tahaffuz Khatme Nabuwwat (Pakistan)

From an op-ed in a vernacular daily:

  • It was the Qadianis who attacked the Holy Birthday procession.
  • In Dulmial Qadianis abducted a Muslim youth and killed him.
  • There are many mosques in the Punjab that are under the Qadiani grip (Qabza) and their aggressive posture can lead to a massacre.
  • The Dulmial mosque, Qadianis had converted it into a Dur uz Zikr, and they even switched on Qadiani TV transmissions therein.
  • Muslims appealed to the president and the prime Minister to hand over this mosque to Muslims, or it should be sealed in the first instance, but none took any notice.
  • Muslims did not set fire to mosque, they only took out Qadianis’ apostatical literature, dish antenna, TV, and other furnishings and set these on fire. They took possession of the mosque and thereafter offered Asr prayers therein. Etc.

(Mulla) Naveed Masood Hashmi in the daily Ausaf; Lahore, December 16, 2016

The mullas have demanded that the original FIR registered by the police should be discarded and a fresh one be entered. Obviously they would like to fabricate the new one to absolve themselves and add hostile and incorrect information in the amended document.

According to a press report the DCO visited the family of the deceased Muslim to offer condolences. He paid them a sum of Rs. 100,000 at the occasion.

In our opinion, while it is courteous to offer condolences to a bereaved family, it is highly improper for the state to send its functionary to a family whose member was involved in a criminal activity which could have blown up into a massacre. This visit conveys the message: “Do what you like in the name of Islam; if you come to grief, the state will be sympathetic to your family and will support them financially.” If this is not terrorism in the name of religion, what else is?

It is almost three weeks that this worship place is locked, and Ahmadis have no place to worship. This is what the mulla wanted. The authorities have delivered that. Mulla is the winner – thanks to his supporters.

‘Ahmadi place of worship may see court case following mob attack’ reported the Dawn on December 19. This is ominous. The mosque should be unsealed first and Ahmadis should be facilitated to pray there as they have been doing since Pakistan came into being. If the mulla wants to go to the court, he may do so; he attempted that in 1997 and quit finding it a hopeless exercise. He may try again.

The government of Punjab might object to being blamed of lethargy, inaction and indirect complicity; after all ‘we succeeded in averting a massacre, with only two dead and the mosque still intact.’ But it ignores that it had to seal the only place of worship with Ahmadis; it remains sealed weeks later to-date. Where should Ahmadis go to offer their obligatory prayers? Is it not its duty and raison d’etre according to the Constitution to facilitate citizens’ right to freedom of worship? The government has a huge store of tear gas shells and water cannons to deter a mob from taking an unauthorized route. Why were the police not directed to take these items to Dulmial on 12th morning? Why the worship place has not been unsealed yet, even if a judicial decision is to be sought eventually? Was sealing not the option the mulla demanded in the first place? The charge of indirect complicity of the government will stick as long as the Ahmadiyya mosque remains sealed.

Last but not least, some statistics concerning Ahmadiyya mosques, from the day a dictator promulgated anti-Ahmadi ordinance in 1984, till now:

Number of Ahmadiyya mosques demolished                                     :           27

Number of Ahmadiyya mosque set on fire or damaged                     :           21

Number of Ahmadiyya mosques forcibly occupied                           :           17

Number of Ahmadiyya mosques construction of which was

barred by authorities                                                                           :           53

Number of Ahmadiyya mosques sealed by authorities                      :           32

Unbelievable – but true

No state that treats some of its citizens in this manner treads a path of bliss, felicity and peace. History has its own way of retribution and the consequences of past policies and actions are fairly visible even to the dense.

Almost unbelievable harrying tale of an Ahmadi in District Khushab – and his response

Ahmadis, all over Pakistan, nearly all of them, have come across persecution of some sort. Each one has his own story to tell, but this is generally confined to single incident. However, there are Ahmadis who have lived in environment of stress and strain for years. They suffer harassment in their neighborhood, at their job, in dealing with authorities, everywhere. Their plight is rarely reported in detail. Here is one such tale, however. It is printed to place on record a typical story of an Ahmadi in Pakistan and his life in the early years of the 21st century AD. 

Chak 2 TDA, District Khushab, Punjab:      Rana Inamullah Khan s/o Rana Nasrullah Khan has been facing severe hostility for his faith in his village and in the town of his work. His story is a sample of true history the like of which, or even worse, or less, other hundreds of thousands Ahmadis have experienced over many decades in Pakistan. It also reflects amply the attitude of authorities, the mullas, the society etc on the Ahmadiyya issue in the early 21st century in Pakistan. It is therefore placed on record. It is the victim’s personal account, sent to the Ahmadiyya central office through his district Amir. There is internal and external evidence that his narrative is authentic. The documents he attached as evidence are not reproduced here but are available with his narrative in the office record, for any future researcher. His narrative follows.

This humble self is targeted these days by the extremist anti-Ahmadi movement (Khatme Nabuwwat). I send this report, as per office norm, for prayers and guidance.

Introduction: I, Rana Inamullah Khan s/o Late Rana Nasrullah Khan am a resident of Chak Nr. 2 TDA, District Khushab. At present I am Sales Manager of the Mobilink office in Qaidabad, Distt Khushab. Chak 2 TDA is about 20 kilometers from Qaidabad. I am also Qaid (Head) of the Ahmadi youth organization in District Khushab.

Antagonists: 1) Mr. Shams Shah, an advocate in Qaidabad, 2) His father, who is an influential Pir (holy Joe) and head of the End of Prophethood local chapter, 3) Mullah Athar Hussain Bokhari s/o Karamat Hussain Bokhari, who instigated massacre of Ahmadis in Takht Hazara in November 2000.

Report: In 2006, I was appointed Asstt Manager of the Mobilink franchise in Qaidabad. Within six months Pir Shah Zaman came to know that I was an Ahmadi. The Pir owns a hotel close to my office. The Pir sent for me and told me that he had learnt that some of my relatives were Ahmadis. I told him that I myself was an Ahmadi. At this, the Pir was forthright, “In that case, revert to Islam. For that I give you three days for deliberation. Let me know of your response after due consideration. In case of a negative response we’ll bring you a bad end (tumhara bura hasher kar dein gay).” I told him that my response would be the same after three days as it was at that very time; I am an Ahmadi and would remain so. At this, the Pir blurted out a number of threats before showing me the door. From then on he issued orders to stop provision of food and drinks to me from his restaurant.

A few days later anti-Ahmadi stickers and posters appeared outside our office. These mentioned that the ‘manager’ of the franchise was a Qadiani and that it was Haram (unlawful in Sharia) to do business with Qadianis. When nothing came out of this, the Pir sent message to Mr. Nisar Ahmad, the owner of the franchise to dismiss the Qadiani manager. Mr. Nisar Ahmad is a decent man, devoid of religious prejudice; he told the visitors that he had no complaints against the manager and hence would not fire him. At this the delegation threatened him to dismiss the manager or be ready for arson attack on his office as well as the manager. (Copy of the poster is attached).

Mr. Nisar’s response was courageous; he did not fire me. He, however, advised me to not come to the office for a few days and run the office by phone from home. I did that for nearly a month; thereafter I started coming to the office again.

This difficult situation brought me a reward as well; I was promoted from the rank of Assistant Manager to Manager. God be praised.

In those very days, my younger brother, Rana Zeeshan (now the local community president in Chak 2 TDA) was scheduled to be married in an Ahmadi family in Qaidabad. Opponents of Ahmadiyyat campaigned in Qaidabad for a total boycott of both the Ahmadi families during this happy event. They threatened that those who would participate in any way in the wedding will be excommunicated (deene Islam se kharij). As a result I could not hire a transport from the town for the occasion. The bride’s family could not rent tents and crockery for the reception. They could not find a caterer either. They could only hire a cook, but the mullas made him quit at the time of the banquet. They threatened the security of the wedding party and spread such fear and concern that nearly 50% of the guests had to undertake guard duty. Nevertheless, the event was a success and the bride departed on schedule. Some decent non-Ahmadis joined the happy event.

After the event, mullas prepared a list of non-Ahmadis who had joined the wedding reception. They hung this list in the mosque and declared that they were ‘outside the pale of Islam’. Some of the mullas exchanged hot words with a few of these listed Muslims. A delegation of mullas visited Ahmadi homes in Qaidabad and told them to revert to Islam within three days, or face grave consequences. This group came to my office as well; but I was absent on duty.

As all their efforts came to naught, a delegation of mullas visited the head-office of Mobilink. There they accused me of preaching, distributing pamphlets, spreading Qadianiyat etc and demanded my dismissal. They threatened that the franchise office was at risk of an arson attack. Thereafter the Mobilink held an inquiry and sent them reply that they had received no supporting evidence, as such the head office had no complaint against the manager; no action against him was called for, accordingly. However, as a result of the delegation’s campaign against me, some shop keepers stopped loading Mobilink for a few days and forbade me entering their shops. This happened for almost three days; thereafter it was ‘business as usual.’

These opponents, faced with repeated failures, followed me to the village of my residence, Chak Nr. 2 TDA. They noticed the Ahmadiyya mosque there, and filed a fresh application dated 13 September 2012, with the police SHO of Mitha Tiwana that the Ahmadi president had built a mosque with minarets, looking like that of Muslims. The police had not yet completed their inquiry, when mulla Athar Hussain Bokhari came to know that our mosque was built on a plot officially designated for a mosque, so he filed yet another application with the police that Ahmadis had occupied a Muslims’ mosque; it should be restored to Muslims. (This case, after many references to courts and the administration, culminated in finally handing over the Ahmadiyya mosque and the missionary’s residence to non-Ahmadis on the orders of the DCO Mr. Zia-ur-Rahman, a brother of Mulla Fazlur Rahman (president JUI-F). As a result Ahmadis in Chak now have no place of worship.

In the days of the mosque controversy, my sister was to be married. The bridegroom arrived with his party. The mullas, in violation of the centuries-old local tradition, arranged for a police visit to the village for inquiry. However, the visiting police officer Mr. Ishtiaq Hussain ASI was a very decent and polite man; he was apologetic over his untimely visit, quietly made his inquiry and went back. May Allah reward him profusely.

My opponents switched over to another trick. They initiated a Message on their mobile phones: “Assalamo Alaikum. The manager of Qaidabad Mobilink is a Qadiani. It is haram to do any business with Qadianis. As such, implement Boycott against the Qadiani manager w.e.f. today. Tahaffuz Khatme Nabuwwat, Qaidabad, District Khushab.”

After this message was circulated in Nurpur town, the shopkeepers stopped buying ‘the load’. I was passed a threat that if I entered Nurpur, I would be killed. At this occasion, Mr. Hasnain Shah, one of the shopkeepers in Nurpur, displayed extraordinary courage to invite me to Nurpur assuring me full security. He also sent a challenge to the bigots that: “Mr. Inamullah Khan is at my shop; if anyone dares, come and touch him.” At the time he assured me that he alone would meet my sales target, resulting in no loss to my business. Other shopkeepers noticed that Mr. Shah had taken a stand and was earning the entire profit, so they restarted buying the load. That was the end of this drive.

The mullas somehow got hold of my private phone number. They used it to convey me their dire threats. This caused me concern, but I stayed undeterred. God rewarded me once again. I was an employee of Mr. Nisar; now Mobilink registered me on their own pay-roll and appointed me their Sales Manager and responsible for the franchise.

As Qaid of the Ahmadi youth organization, I was receiving my organisation’s mail in the office. I noticed that someone would open it before delivering it to me. Thereafter I changed my address; but the malpractice continued. I had to request the senders to change the courier service.

Hostility against me was perpetual; it came forth in different forms. One of the leaders of the opposition had an FIR registered with police against Mobilink, in my name, for wall-chalking Mobilink ads. The police informed me seven days after its registration – violating the rules. Apparently the aim was to declare me a “proclaimed offender’ for failure to report to the police. I rushed to a court to obtain ‘bail before arrest’. Mobilink is defending me in this case, although I am sure that the FIR was based on religious prejudice. (Copy of FIR 264/2016 P.S. Qaidabad is enclosed)

Mullas have approached a civil court as well against four Ahmadis, including me, that we intend to occupy a mosque with the help of influential persons. All this is legal harassment through baseless litigation. (Copy of their application is attached.)

Recently on April 27, 2016 I went to the shop of one Sanaullah in Qaidabad for business. He used to be courteous to me, but this time he did not respond to my Salaam. On my asking the reason, he behaved badly and proceeded to bash me up. “You a Qadiani, how dare you enter my shop”? he said. A few other shopkeepers in the bazaar came to my rescue, and I went back to my office where I informed my head office of the incident. Mobilink decided to have an FIR registered. The SHO advised otherwise, “It will become a religious issue; do not ask for an FIR.” A few days later the bigots put up an application to the police that I, being a Qadiani, violated the law by wishing Salaam. The SHO has not yet registered an FIR, but the issue is alive and the mullas are insisting for action against me.

These mullas approached the SHO, Mitha Tiwana as well, against me. The SHO resisted registration of a case against me. He is under political pressure of the MNA and the MPA in support of the mullas. Such is the predicament of some police officials.

Recently, a few distant non-Ahmadi relatives contacted me about Ahmadiyyat. One of them expressed his wish to join the community. Sensing some conspiracy, I made inquiries and discovered that these people were under the influence of some hostile mullas from Harappa and were tasked to lay a trap for me.

Mr. Mohammad Yusuf Kathgari, my octogenarian grandfather of Abbottabad suffered 3 months incarceration in his old age. On release he died within three months.

My maternal uncle, Basharat Ahmad suffered physical torture at the hand of hostile clerics in Abbottabad. His wound marks are still visible on his body, 25 years afterward.

Please pray for me to remain steadfast and bear up with these tribulations and trials. By the grace of God my spirits are high and I am not scared nor on tenter-hooks.

The opposition is picking up pace. Anti-Ahmadi stickers have been pasted on shops close to my residence. These direct, “Qadianis may enter the market only after they revert to Islam.” These stickers have been deliberately pasted in shops that I visit for business.

Anti-Ahmadi ‘End of Prophethood’ rallies have been held in four villages near Chak 2 TDA. People have been told that Qadianis are Kafir and Wajib-ul-Qatl (must be killed). “We took away their mosques. Now take away their lands. Kill them or make them flee”, said a mulla who addressed the crowd.

Some non-Ahmadi friends have advised us, two brothers, that we should fall back from the frontline, as it is getting dangerous at present.

We have heard that the opposition is considering expulsion of our children from schools, in league with school authorities.

Please advise me what to do? At one occasion when we called upon the DCO for justice, he told us bluntly, “You may take me as belonging to your opposition, as well.”

Endorsed by the Ahmadiyya Amir, District Khushab on May 15, 2016

Wrongful accusation

Rawalpindi; October 24, 2016:          Mr. Sultan Ahmad, Ahmadi has faced great deal of opposition, even animosity from anti-Ahmadi elements. Two years ago a few mullas and miscreants attempted forced erasure of Kalima and Bismilla from his shop. The issue became perilous. Among his antagonists was a nasty neighbor.

This neighbor had a wrangle with one of his relations. He inflicted an injury on his throat (perhaps himself) and reported to the police to get an FIR registered. In the FIR he listed the accused, and for good measure, included the name of Mr. Farhan Ahmad, son of Mr. Sultan Ahmad in the list. This was plain fabrication.

Mr. Sultan Ahmad and his family had to shift residence to remain safe from the evil doings of their opponents.